The same tone you'd see if the question was about a Yankees game

Is this the result of the court cases or is Biden just putting up his middle finger now so it's the last thing we see as he gets lowered into his grave?

Sorry, should've clarified "everyone" to mean swing state voters and the mysterious cryptid known as the moderate Republican because they're the only ones who count under this system.

Not beating the Zionism is antisemitism charges

"Did you see that Kamala's endorsing cryptocurrency now?"
"Well if Trump wins, he'll... uh... he'll..."

Is Kamala's campaign strategy to pander to everyone and pray no one catches the contradictions?

Also: have there been any other "spontaneous" student protests elsewhere in the world that might have put you in that frame of mind, Hil? Perhaps ones that conveniently put a milquetoast neoliberal in charge?

Twilight of the Boomers will be just parking them all in front of Rocky and Bullwinkle reruns so they can see those darn Ruskies get their comeuppance.

Adding two numbers together to get a third number

This is some really advanced economics, I'm going to need someone to break it down for me

The US is also currently involved in Sudan and probably had something to do with Bangladesh.

"I'm hungry"
"But I just gave you a piece of bread yesterday!"
"I need a little more than that to survive."
"Trump wouldn't have given you any bread. You should be happy with the piece I gave you!"
"But human nutritional-"
"NO BREAD NO BREAD THEY'RE EATING CATS AND DOGS"

Fun fact: this is greater than the total spending on transportation and infrastructure budgeted in the Inflation Reduction Act

Hello, yes, food-eater here with an important food-related message: Injecting massive quantities of soot and radioactive dust into the atmosphere is bad news for food! Food is a necessary component for sustaining not only human life but also many forms of animal life.

Please do not do ecocide to own the libs and also remember to "rainbow your plate" with at least 5 servings of fresh fruit and veggies per day!

It is the least I can do

Marginally off topic but I've been charging up this rant since yesterday

Why is everyone suddenly touting the IRA as an historic investment in climate policy and ignoring the fact that much of the solar capacity being installed in the US is coming in the form of inexpensive Chinese manufactured panels that have to be imported from SE Asia to get around the tariffs that the Biden admin imposed on them. What the hell has happened to critical thinking?

Sure, every fractional degree counts and any action is better than no action, but the difference between electricity generated from natural gas in 2023 and 2022 was equivalent to all of our installed solar capacity in 2022. Growth in renewables is still supplementing growing demand rather than displacing fossil fuels and now everyone thinks we have oodles of time so long as we get on that trajectory.

Trump has been successful beyond the wildest dreams of The Powers that Be in tempering activism and getting people who should know better to content themselves with crumbs and I've never felt so discouraged.

Modern Christians are unwitting followers of Yaldabaoth's rebellion against the Ogdoad and marvel at their own struggles to reconcile his meandering and self-contradictory Word with the doomed world he incompetently attempts to rule. May the scales fall from their eyes.

It's a big mess. I found this article helpful: https://www.nplusonemag.com/issue-46/politics/prelude-to-a-coup/ Be warned, it's very long and mixed with the author's personal experiences working in Sudan. I put a bunch of pull quotes below to help you get the gist or hop around on the timeline.

Edit: a short summary is that the faction you support depends on the regions and resources you want access to.

From this inauspicious material, Bashir created a lasting dictatorship, dependent on personal relationships and backroom deals. He became the fixer-in-chief, ceaselessly maneuvering at the top of an unstable coalition of Islamists, security men, and merchant capital. In 1999, oil began to flow in Sudan, most of it extracted from the south of the country—the hotbed of the civil war. Oil enabled Bashir to cut a deal with Sudan’s cities. He would provide cheap commodities and subsidies, paid for in petrodollars, if they tolerated dictatorship and repression in the peripheries. As long as the commodities flowed, the cities could be placated. To police the impoverished peripheries, in revolt against their marginalization by the country’s elite, Bashir raised militias. As a form of payment, he encouraged these forces to loot and pillage, effectively franchising the state’s monopoly of violence.
...

To coup-proof his regime, Bashir created a Hydra of military organizations. The SAF, which Bashir underfunded to stave off threats from competing generals, was soon rivaled by the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS)—as much a military force as an intelligence-gathering operation—to name only the two most notable of the monster’s heads. Each security organ was a law unto itself. During the 1990s, Bashir privatized much of what remained of the state, selling it off to his associates. This fire sale allowed each military organization to develop its own economic empire, controlling banks, construction companies, and real estate. The security services were a set of fractious businesses profiting from a militarized economy.
...

One young commander, however, remained loyal to Bashir and was chosen to lead the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group recruited from Darfur’s Arab population. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, otherwise known as Hemedti, was at the time only a junior Janjaweed officer, but he quickly grew close to Bashir, who reportedly nicknamed him “Himyati” (my protector). From 2014 to 2016, the RSF inflicted a series of defeats on the Darfuri rebel groups. Hemedti’s reward was control of Sudan’s most lucrative gold mine during a nascent gold rush that saw the number of miners in Sudan increase from two hundred thousand to more than a million.
...

As demonstrations intensified in the first months of 2019, Bashir declared a state of emergency. The FFC seized its chance and, on April 6, called for a march on the headquarters of the SAF, followed by a sit-in, replete with white tents and free food. The security services were divided over how to proceed. It was one thing to kill civilians in the peripheries, quite another to kill young protesters in Khartoum; the soldiers could well be firing at members of their own families. On April 10, Bashir allegedly gave an order to forcibly disperse the sit-in. By April 11, with the agreement of Hemedti, his great protector, Bashir was deposed. The rivalrous security services had found a common cause in the regime’s fragility: survival. They seized power in a coup, offering up Bashir as a scapegoat in the hope that his replacement, Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf, an SAF general, would be able to preserve military control of the state.
...

Now, two years on, the transition was ailing. The economy was in free fall, partly due to austerity measures imposed at the IMF’s behest. Street protests were calling for the resignation of Abdalla Hamdok, the soft-spoken former UN economist who was serving as the prime minister in the transitional government, and a number of political parties had withdrawn from the FFC. A month earlier, a mysterious coup attempt, reportedly carried out by soldiers loyal to Bashir, was suppressed by the SAF.
...

Hamdok had replaced the energy of 2019 with proceduralism. When he became prime minister he was perhaps the most popular leader in Sudanese history, but he didn’t become a revolutionary icon or a populist figure. Rather than focus on making political coalitions, his government painted gray on gray, one spreadsheet after another. Far from being the protector of the revolution, he had abandoned it for the technocratic fantasy of a smooth transition. That fantasy had consequences. Appeasing the international community might have gained Hamdok some friends in Washington, but it alienated the domestic political constituencies on whose support he relied.
...

(October 2021) ...At dawn, the military had taken control of the streets. Hamdok had been arrested. The coup was happening. Later that day, Burhan announced a state of emergency. Politicians were rounded up and arrested. Some of the rebel leaders, including Minnawi and Jibril, came out in support of the coup. Others were detained and beaten. Burhan and Hemedti, united by their opposition to civilian rule, dissolved the transitional government and announced that a technocratic administration would be put in place prior to elections in 2023. Protests began across the country, especially in Darfur, where the military used live fire to disperse demonstrators.
...

On December 5, 2022, some members of the FFC, along with a few other political parties, signed a deal, the so-called Framework Agreement, with the military junta. While the UN and Western diplomats pronounced their satisfaction, the agreement was met with protests across the country. “The FFC,” one Western analyst told me, “has again sold out the street.” The agreement itself was shrouded in secrecy and seemed to contain little of substance. All the real issues, including the place of the military in government and the status of the RSF, which was supposed to be absorbed into the SAF, were relegated to a second phase of the negotiating process. A series of workshops, transpiring over the period of a single month, were meant to magically resolve these vital, complex matters.
...

The fighting in Khartoum began on April 15, after the collapse of the security-sector workshop on the future of the RSF. In the capital, the cartography of protest gave way to the lineaments of war. The RSF, battle-hardened from conflicts in Darfur and Yemen, rapidly took control of much of the city, installing themselves in residential areas. The SAF relied on its airpower to bomb the militia into submission. My friends moved between apartments, sharing messages about safe streets and checkpoints. Time is divided into periods of quiet and periods of gunfire, one friend wrote on Twitter, with the sound of the Adhan prayer the only source of normality.

Despite Hemedti’s efforts to build himself a national constituency during the previous decade, outside Khartoum much of the country remained under the SAF’s control. Darfur was the notable exception, where the conflict in Khartoum exacerbated extant social cleavages between the Arab and non-Arab populations, leading to a brutal conflict with its own dynamics. Outside Darfur, the capital was the focus of the war, and despite some analysts’ predictions of a quick SAF victory, Khartoum largely remained under the control of the RSF, which fed its soldiers by ransacking the city.

Her character quest really resonated with me.

Wishing America a swift fall and a hard landing onto its owners and their lapdogs. Couldn't happen to a slimier tangle of craven mollusks.

#TeamMeredith